A Syrian view on the future of relations with the U.S.

Fri, 05/01/2009 - 2:05pm

Syrian Ambassador Imad Moustpha (photo: AP / Kevin Wolf)

 This afternoon I headed over to the Middle East Institute to hear Syrian Ambassador Imad Moustapha talk about the future of U.S.-Syrian relations.  While Moustapha radiated optimism about and appreciation for the Obama administration's approach, it is clear that there is a long road ahead.  His surprisingly old-school approach to argumentation -- deflecting all difficult questions either by attacking AIPAC or talking about Israel - does not suggest that there's been a sea change in Syrian thinking.  Still, he made a number of important points -- particularly on Syrian views of the Obama administration, on Palestinian politics and the peace process, on Iraq, and on Lebanon.

Perhaps the most interesting single thing he said was the claim -- repeated twice -- that the U.S. was asking Syria to use its influence with Hamas to convince them to overcome its differences with Mahmoud Abbas and join a unity government.  That would be very interesting, if true. I have my doubts, given the administration's very clear line against including Hamas in the unity government without its first meeting the Quartet pre-conditions, but it's worth looking into.  According to Moustapha, Damascus supports a unity government and the Egyptian mediation, is pushing both Fatah and Hamas to compromise, and is urging the U.S. to be realistic about Hamas and to drop the Bush-era Quartet pre-conditions against dealing with it.  Syria has no intention of expelling Khaled Meshaal, in case you were wondering. 

Like every other Arab official I've seen in the last few months, Moustapha praised Obama's public commitment to working for a two-state solution and the appointment of George Mitchell.    Moustapha fell over himself to praise the seriousness of the Obama team and the President's diplomatic overtures.  Where Bush officials would begin every discussion with a recitation of demands that Syria must meet (to which Syrians would respond with a litany of complaints about Israel), Obama officials -- he claimed -- used a civil and respectful tone and avoided lecturing or listing demands.  There are still sharp disagreements, he said, but now there is the possibility of having productive discussions aimed at solving the problems.   Instead of dual monologues achieving nothing, there was now the opportunity for real dialogue.

That sounds great, but.... at the same time, Moustapha continued to fall back on the old style in his own responses to questions and challenges -- exactly the litany of complaints about Israel which he a few minutes earlier had self-mockingly described as the stock response to the Bush administration's lectures.  For instance, he dismissed questions about Syrian material support for Hezbollah and Hamas by waving it away as the sort of thing the Washington Institute for Near East Policy would produce. His low point came in his response to a Syrian man who asked him to speak about human rights abuses and repression inside of Syria.  His response, equating the Syrian questioner with the Israelis and WINEP and then going on about Israeli war crimes, drew audible grumbling from the audience. If the Obama administration has indeed adopted such a fresh new  style with Syria, it does not yet seem to be reciprocated in Syrian public diplomacy.

On Iraq, Moustapha took great pains to present an enormous opportunity for cooperation with the U.S. rooted in mutual self-interest. He explained that Syria no longer disagreed with the U.S. about Iraq, that it fully supported an American withdrawal on a responsible timetable and that Syria would do whatever it could to ensure that the withdrawal succeeds and leaves behind a stable Iraq.  He also spoke about the claimed 1.5 million Iraqi refugees in Syria, noting that despite the great burden they posed on the country they would not be sent back.  A stable Iraq would make it more likely they would leave of their own accord, he argued, by way of demonstrating the Syrian national interest in Iraqi success.  All of this makes it puzzling that Syria has evidently not yet done as much as it could to control its border with Iraq.  Perhaps that's the bargaining chip Damascus intends to offer up when Jeff Feltman and Dan Shapiro head back to Syria next week? 

Finally, I asked him about Syrian views of the upcoming Lebanese elections. Moustapha said that Syria supported a peaceful, successful election.  He noted that the U.S. was trying to help its friends and allies in those elections, and so was Syria.  But regardless of the results, he argued, the winner of the election must include the losers in a participatory coalition government instead of trying to rule by a zero-sum logic. He claimed that Syria was giving this advice to its Lebanese allies, and that they were saying the same thing back to Damascus.  We shall see. 



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(insert Damascene souq cliche here)

Same old Syrians... And why change? Since the humiliation of their withdrawal from Lebanon, the regime has eliminated potential domestic threats (Kanaan, Khadam), improved its image in the eyes of its people ("Muquwama!"), weakened its opponents in Beirut, and helped to keep the US firmly on its heels in Iraq. At the end of the day, the regime has given up very little, and finds Washington lacking leverage but very much in need of its help.

Though the long term economic trouble Syria faces (booming population, oil almost gone, no major industry to speak of) adds some urgency to its diplomatic efforts, it is difficult to see why Damascus would provide much help on urgent US concerns without getting the prize it seeks in return--Lebanon. And, given that March 14th are pretty much our only Arab allies that maintain substantial popular support, is this a price we are willing to pay?

A toughie. But if the release of the 4 Officers is an indication of a larger deal in the works, I sure hope the down payment is soon reciprocated.

But regardless of the

But regardless of the results, he argued, the winner of the election must include the losers in a participatory coalition government instead of trying to rule by a zero-sum logic.

So he expects his team to lose?

These are encouraging words if he expects his team to win.

Democracy?

Recent history is telling us that if given the chance, the Lebanese, Turks and Gazans will elect Islamists. There are also strong signs of this tendency in Kuwait, Syria, Egypt, Iraq and Iran.

Further democratization will probably be against our interests. Painful but true.

The states that cause world crises tend to be oil-rich states. The poor states can't afford to make trouble. Even friendly Saudi Arabia funds radicalism world wide, enriched the bin Laden family, and may have paid for development of the Pakistani nuclear weapons.

Poor countries such as the African Muslim countries are not troublemakers.

Yes, there are exceptions in Sudan and Afghanistan, but the Taliban was largely created from outside and is important because of Pakistan and al Queda, not on it's own. Sudan creates local trouble. Oil rich Indonesia is Muslim and large and is an exception of the other kind, probably because of their location.

Impoverishing the Moslem states is probably the only path to long term world peace.

All the global crises, from Iranian nukes to Somali pirates, are the result of transfer of wealth from the West to the Muslim world.

We in the West are blinded by our system of democracy and prosperity to think it is the solution to everything.