Posted By Marc Lynch Share

There's been a lot of talk of late, led by the memoir of David Rohde and a compelling piece by Peter Bergen, of the "merger" of al-Qaeda and the Taliban.  I've got no real insight into that important question. But I wanted to draw attention to a fascinating post over at Jihadica by Vahid Brown, a Research Associate at the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point who knows a lot about such things.  Brown has noticed a growing tension between the "universalists" of al-Qaeda and the "nationalist" of the Taliban on the jihadist online forums:

Mullah Omar’s Afghan Taliban and al-Qa’ida’s senior leaders have been issuing some very mixed messages of late, and the online jihadi community is in an uproar, with some calling these developments “the beginning of the end of relations” between the two movements.  Beginning with a statement from Mullah Omar in September, the Afghan Taliban’s Quetta-based leadership has been emphasizing the “nationalist” character of their movement, and has sent several communications to Afghanistan’s neighbors expressing an intent to establish positive international relations. 

In what are increasingly being viewed by the forums as direct rejoinders to these sentiments, recent messages from al-Qa’ida have pointedly rejected the “national” model of revolutionary Islamism and reiterated calls for jihad against Afghanistan’s neighbors, especially Pakistan and China. However interpreted, these conflicting signals raise serious questions about the notion of an al-Qa’ida-Taliban merger.

....

[O]ne thing is clear: the recent shift in the Quetta Shura’s strategic communications is not to al-Qa’ida’s liking, and it is raising serious concerns among the broader Salafi jihadi movement about the religio-political legitimacy of the Afghan Taliban’s leadership.

 

How representative are these forums in the Afghan case? I don't know.  But Brown's post reminds me of the online furor over the Islamic State of Iraq which foreshadowed the dramatic split in the Iraqi insurgency in which key insurgency factions flipped to the U.S. side and formed the backbone of the Awakenings/ Sons of Iraq.  Back then, in the fall of 2006 through early 2007 we saw growing discord on the forums between al-Qaeda in Iraq's umbrella group the Islamic State of Iraq and key insurgency factions.  Some of the discord focused on local complaints (ISI attacks on moderate imams), but a lot focused on this tension between the nationalist goals of the Iraqi insurgency factions (which mainly wanted to drive American forces out of Iraq) and the universalist goals of AQI (which mainly wanted to use Iraq as the base for global jihad). 

Those tensions on the forums proved to be a crucial leading indicator of real splits on the ground which energized the "Awakenings" movement.   Like I said, I have no idea whether a similar eruption of such arguments on the forums today will have the same significance.  I'm generally leery of comparisons from Iraq to Afghanistan, and in particular the relationship between the forums and the factions may well be different in this context.    But Brown's post should be food for thought.

 

 

DRLAKE777

6:08 PM ET

October 22, 2009

Not surprising

This isn't all that surprising, IMO. The inherent tension between the universalist aspirations of movements like Al Qaeda and the national orientation of their Salafi allies (and subsidiaries) has been observed for at least several years now. See Michael Scott Doran's "Somebody Else's Civil War" (Foreign Affairs Jan/Feb 2002).

 

DEPETRIS@WORDPRESS.COM

8:44 PM ET

October 22, 2009

A Taliban-Al'Qaeda Spat?

This is certainly a very interesting case. Thus far, many of the reports that I have read comment extensively about the Taliban's deep relationship with Al'Qaeda militants in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. David Rohde's personalistic, yet compelling piece, in the New York Times is the most recent story highlighting a possible radicalization of the Taliban movement. The direct contact and pooling of resources between the Taliban and Al'Qaeda- especially in Pakistan- only reiterates this fact among many members of the national-security community.

Yet, as you point out, Al'Qaeda could once-again be laying the groundwork for their own destruction. For the terrorist organization, this online rift could not come at a worse time; their ability to influence events inside Afghanistan is already negligent in the eyes of many (thanks to a combination of U.S. tactics and lawlessness within the Pakistani tribal areas). In fact, it is a rather amazing feat to witness the suicidal-type behavior of the group in general. As in Iraq, the brutal nature of Al'Qaeda-sponsored suicide attacks- many of which kill innocent Muslims in the process- is quickly turning the ordinary population away from bin-Laden and his cronies. Engaging in indiscriminate violence against fellow Arabs is more than irrational, even for the nihilistic ambitions of Al'Qaeda terrorists.

For Americans, Afghans, Pakistanis and Arabs, we should all hope that Al'Qaeda continues on this self-destructive course. As the Iraq experience has demonstrated, forcefully imposing a quasi-Islamic State only marginalizes Islamic fundamentalism from the masses…something that would not be so bad if the vast majority of Muslims were not already hostile to fundamentalism. This is perhaps the best thing counterterrorist officials can hope for. So far, contemporary history has proven that an ideological divide between Al'Qaeda and moderate Muslims obliterates the very fabric (and capabilities) of terrorist networks. This does not even mention the favorable effects that such a rift provides for U.S. troops on the ground.

While this Taliban-Al'Qaeda rift is indeed encouraging, it would be wise for the U.S. Government to not blindly assume that an early discontent between the two groups will quickly fracture the alliance. We must remember that the Taliban and Al'Qaeda still have common objectives, whether this includes the killing of American soldiers or the wider aspiration of Sharia law. As long as these parallel goals persist, the online spat may not produce anything worthwhile for coalition forces.

However, as you have stated, perhaps the wagon is starting to fall apart.

http://depetris.wordpress.com

 

JANBEKSTER

6:38 PM ET

October 22, 2009

I would say, hard to tell.

Just thinking aloud, the first time around, Taliban and its leadership were willing, and indeed did, sacrifice Taliban's rule over Afghanisatn for the sake of al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden.

The question is, will the Mullah Omar, or/and his associates be willing once again, to sacrifice ruling over Afghanistan, if the opportunity arises; even through the option of sharing power?. In other words, to what extent Taliban's nationalism, or the nationalists within the movement, would be willing to exert pressure in order to, ditch Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda?. I mean, the first time around, indeed there were attempts to separate both from each other, but such attempts failed obviously, however, for the contemporary situation, we are not likely to find out the answer, unless there are efforts once again, to seperate both entities from each other.

One has heard that, a Taliban delegation had visited Saudi Arabia recently, but if I understood correctly, observers said that this delegation, was not particularly close to Mullah Omar. Is this just a matter of subterfuge, just in case talks fail and the delegation can be sacrificed politically, or are there real efforts going on to separate al-Qaeda from Taliban?, again, it is still hard to tell.

khairi janbek.paris/france

 

DRLAKE777

9:56 PM ET

October 22, 2009

I'm not sure I'd call them willing...

While they clearly did sacrifice their political power in Afghanistan over Al Qaeda, I'm not sure that was really a deliberate decision on the part of the Taliban. It seems far more likely that they believed we would simply shoot some missiles at AQ camps, and maybe ship some arms to the Northern Alliance. While the actual scope of our retaliation should come as no surprise to anyone familiar with the US and our history, an outsider familiar with post-Cold War US behavior may well have believed any US response would be limited.

 

JANBEKSTER

10:31 PM ET

October 22, 2009

Taliban knew.

The Chief of Saudi intelligence, flew into Afghnaistan only days before the US invasion, and informed Mullah Omar personally, that the US was going to invade Afghanistan, unless Taliban surrendered Osama bin Laden to the Americans.

khairi janbek.paris/france

 

DRLAKE777

3:49 PM ET

October 23, 2009

Knew /= believed

I said the Taliban leadership didn't believe they would lose power, not that they weren't provided adequate information that they would. While I didn't know about this visit by the Saudis, it really doesn't change my analysis.

In a similar vein, Slobodan Milosevic knew that the US and NATO would start bombing over Kosovo, but he didn't believe that we would stick with it the way we did. Likewise, Hassan Nasrallah, the head of Hezbollah, knew that the Israelis would retaliate for the raid by Hezbollah on the Israeli outpost in July, 2006, but he did not believe that the Israelis would respond the way they did.

 

JANBEKSTER

6:30 PM ET

October 23, 2009

Just a matter of information...

rather than changing or keeping your good self's analysis. I am not familiar really with the way Milosovic assessed the US reprisals, and after Mr. Nassrullah's public admissions, it became clear that he didin't assess correctly, the scale of the Israeli reprisals. As for Taliban, I have no information about whether they felt they were a match for the US and NATO invading forces, or if they thought they would withstand the assault and still remain in power, rather, they still chose to stick to bin Laden, despite the fact that, they were informed directlty by Saudi Intelligence Chief, that the Americans are invading, unless they hand over bin Laden.

khairi janbek.paris/france

 

DEPETRIS@WORDPRESS.COM

11:57 PM ET

October 22, 2009

Cannot underestimate the connection

Interestingly enough, the strategy that you just outlined- tactical U.S. air-strikes on Al'Qaeda terrorist camps in Afghanistan and Pakistan- is precisely what some officials within the Obama administration are currently advocating with full-force. As everyone already knows, VP Biden is among the primary leaders of this dissident camp...one of many politicians who firmly believe that a strict counterterrorism policy would be the best alternative to the hell-hole that is characterizing the latest U.S. stint in the Afghan countryside.

While it may be true that the Taliban leadership bared the largest brunt of the September 11 attacks- namely by refusing to hand-over bin-Laden- Washington should not prematurely assume that a resurgent Taliban movement would take personal responsibility in stemming the flow of Al'Qaeda militants.

This is not to state that Mullah Omar is skeptical of Al'Qaeda's motives. In fact, evidence points to the contrary; Mullah Omar viewed bin-Laden and his associates as a danger to the overall survival of the Taliban Government in Kabul (and to his credit, he was absolutely right). And as Marc Lynch has argued in this specific blog, Taliban and Al'Qaeda communication has been less than perfect over the past few weeks.

However positive such a divergence could be for U.S. troops on the ground- not to mention the benefits that would arrive at the doorsteps of the Afghan and Pakistani Governments- it would be cataclysmic for the United States to blow this rift out of proportion. The last thing President Obama needs is a new Afghan-war strategy predicated on a distorted perception of reality (after all, the President already succumbed to the temptations of fantasy this past March).

Sure, the Taliban Government may have been destroyed as a consequence of Al'Qaeda's actions during that horrible day in American history. Likewise, it may be true that Al'Qaeda fighters have been largely ineffective against coalition forces in Afghanistan. But to say that Mullah Omar and the Afghan Taliban would crack-down on Al'Qaeda activity once they return to power seems pretty far-fetched. Like I said earlier, both organizations continue to possess similar objectives.

http://depetris.wordpress.com

 

ANTHONYXB

7:57 PM ET

October 22, 2009

what's the story here?

The Taliban was always a "nationalist" (Afghan) or ethnic (Pashtun) movement. Before 9/11 they were precisely that, just as they are now. Now they obviously have a similar worldview to al-Qa'ida, hence their allowing them to have bases, etc. when they were in power. But they were never the same, as is the implicit assumption in this puzzling post from Professor Lynch. The story that the Taliban are nationalist the al-Qa'ida universalist/internationalist is just a story of 'same as it ever was.' That doesn't mean they didn't happily coexist and scratch backs before, just as it doesn't mean they aren't coexisting now and won't coexist in the future.

Now the Rohde piece with its assertion that the Taliban have been transformed into an internationalist (or universalist) movement *would* be a story, if true. That said, with due deference to Rohde's experience and to a terrifically well-written piece, I don't think hanging out with a kidnapper's guards really qualifies as a foundation for talking about that sort of ideological shift. Still, it is enough to say that this is something on which to keep an eye as *that* would be a story.

 

GRANT

6:49 AM ET

October 23, 2009

While I earnestly hope this

While I earnestly hope this is the case I wouldn't bet too much on it. If Al Quaeda has any decent mid-level leaders left in the region they know they can't afford rumors of a split, much less a repeat of the failure in Iraq.

 

JANBEKSTER

9:02 AM ET

October 23, 2009

Important Factors I Guess.

Many Iraqi insurgent "Sunni" groups were/are not the ideological bed fellows of al'Qaeda. Many found the alliance convenient in order to fight the US presence in Iraq for their own political reasons.

When al Qaeda tried to dominate the "Sunni" insurgency in the country; committing acts of terror against the Iraqi Sunni population in the process, the rupture occured. In any case, the "Sunni" insurgents are part of the Iraqi social fabric, and there are no permenant enemies nor permenant friends in politics.

In Afghanistan, al Qaeda does tend to be the ideological soul mate of Taliban, and its foreign Jihadis never tried to dominate Taliban inside Afghanistan, rather played second fiddle to it, and supported it in its military objectives. However, all evidence indicates at the same time, that al-Qaeda kept its independent decision- making process regarding its international terrorist operations.

But here also, Taliban is part and parcel of Afghan society, unlike al-Qaeda, but it does not mean that it has learned the lesson still from the first time around, that the price of power; or at least a share of it, will mean ditching al Qaeda. However, it remains to be seen, whether Taliban's religious dogmatic outlook is stronger than its immediate strategic interests, or, it has learned its lessons, and is willing to play a role in the development of Afghan political process, at the expense of al Qaeda.

In any case, we are not likely to find out, unless those questions can be addressed seriously. At least not for the time being.

 

JANBEKSTER

12:26 PM ET

October 23, 2009

Diverging Rhetoric.

Indeed Mullah Omar had sent a [Eid al Fitr] well wishes message after Ramadan, to Turkmenistan, pledging peaceful and fraternal relations; contrary to al-Qaeda's revolutionaty rhetoric, and, more importantly there seem to be moves for Taliban to recognise the United Nations and its institutions, in opposition to what al Thawahiri refers to frequently; as an "infidel" organisation.

khairi janbek.paris/france

 

Marc Lynch is associate professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University.

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