Saturday, January 2, 2010 - 12:53 PM
The failed underpants bomber's alleged (and in my view probable) ties to Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula have led to an outburst of calls to "do something" about Yemen. President Obama says it is a high priority to partner with the Yemeni government. British PM Gordon Brown calls for a global Yemen summit. Joe Lieberman warns that Yemen will be the next war. In fact, this risks becoming a classic case of massive overreaction playing right into the hands of a terrorist group. The Obama administration, which actually has been working on the Yemen issue all year, now risks falling right back into the classic catalog of Bush-era conceptual and practical mistakes as it scrambles for a response. To get Yemen right will require getting the complicated terrain of Yemeni and Gulf politics right -- not just looking for some kind of military intervention or an influx of foreign aid in order to be seen to have "done something", and not reducing it to an al-Qaeda or COIN problem.
Direct American military intervention in Yemen is so obviously ludicrous that it shouldn't even need to be said. Even the hyper-interventionist conservatives at the Washington Post op-ed page allow that "U.S. ground troops are not needed, for now." They never should be. The U.S. is already struggling to fully resource and equip a mission in Afghanistan which has been defined -- rightly or wrongly -- as vital to American security and interests. The U.S. simply does not have the resources to embark on a military mission in Yemen. If you think Afghanistan is a sinkhole, you will love Yemen. The yawning gap between the extent of U.S. interests and the resources necessary to make a difference is even greater in Yemen than in Afghanistan. And the optics of yet another American military intervention in the Arab world -- under Obama, no less -- would be devastating to the wider Obama outreach strategy. (On the positive side, at least committing scarce U.S. troops to Yemen would make a military strike against Iran that much less likely.)
But the intellectual framework for such a commitment to Yemen is already there. The great principle of the new American global COIN thinking has been that ungoverned spaces and failed states offer safe haven for terrorists, and must be brought to heel through the spread of legitimate government supported by population-centric counter-insurgency military intervention. Applied crudely to Yemen, this suggests encouraging the Yemeni government to spread its writ by force through the ungoverned spaces of the vast country. This would be a disaster -- provoking many more rebellions of the Houthi variety and radically destabilizing an already disastrous situation. Applied more thoughtfully, it leads to the kind of whole-of-government engagement recommended by Andrew Exum and Richard Fontaine in their recent CNAS brief.
But it is important to think carefully about the nature of the U.S. interests there, the kinds of resources which would be required to seriously affect the dynamics which matter to the U.S., and how actions in Yemen would fit into wider strategic concerns. I've always thought that the global COIN conception is a recipe for overstretch and exhaustion, as the frontier endlessly recedes and American resources are squandered in a futile attempt to bring order to the unorderly parts of the world. To say that Yemen's state failures produces conditions which allow some dangerous things to develop does not necessarily mean that massive action is required -- the world is full of suboptimal outcomes beyond our means to repair. Decisions should not be made to escalate or initiate commitments to Yemen in a politically-charged, reactive way. And what ever is done had better take seriously the key political issues in the Gulf and Yemen -- where AQAP is only one small part of an extremely complex environment.
The rush to partner with the Yemeni government to "tackle extremism", as Gordon Brown says, illustrates the need to think carefully about the political dimension. The government of Ali Abdullah Saleh is to a great extent the problem, not the solution. Ever since Saleh recanted on his vow to not seek re-election and cheated his way to victory over Faisal bin Shamlan (who symbolically died this week), Yemen's political system has taken a sharp turn for the worse. Corruption, always bad, has skyrocketed. So have human rights abuses and political repression, including a wide range of attacks on media freedoms. Heavy-handed security services have a lot to do with the outbreak and perpetuation of the Houthi rebellion; as Joost Hilterman points out, "the Houthi leadership has portrayed its position as purely defensive against acts of state oppression and attacks by the Yemeni army." In short, partnering with the Yemeni government to provide honest, legitimate government may seem like a good response, but it is not likely to succeed. If you like working with Hamid Karzai, you're going to love Ali Abdullah Saleh.
The Saleh government is more preoccupied with the Houthi rebellion, raging since 2004, than with AQAP even if we care more about the latter. The Yemeni government is also worried about the southern insurrection, and about keeping Saleh in power at any cost. Combating "extremism" is a vague formulation which misses the complexities of these multiple insurgencies and political challenges. The Yemeni government will no doubt be happy to take American and international money and support to strike against its enemies, but don't expect that it will do anything approaching what we want them to do.
Many smart people have proposed that the U.S. rely on the Saudis to play a pacifying, stabilizing role. This would be a mistake. The Saudis have a long history of meddling in Yemeni affairs. It never goes well. Yemenis deeply mistrust their larger and wealthier neighbor. The recent Saudi military incursion against the Houthis has not exactly pleased Arab or Yemeni public opinion -- and has been a major story in the Arab press for months now, even if largely ignored in the U.S. The Saudis have also unleashed a massive propaganda campaign in support of their intervention which ties the Houthis to Iran as part of a wider regional agenda -- a dangeorus reinvigoration of the Sunni-Shia tensions which reverberated through the region in the mid-2000s. What's more, the Saudis hardly need to be convinced that defeating AQAP is in their interest -- the main reason that APAQ is in Yemen now is that the Saudis ruthlessly destroyed the al-Qaeda organization inside Saudi Arabia after 2003, and many of its members fled to Yemen to regroup. Inviting more Saudi interventions into Yemen is a recipe for disaster.
Other very smart people suggest -- correctly -- that military solutions aren't going to do it, and that the better response would be more development assistance. Development assistance is nice, and I'm generally for this kind of whole-of-government assistance and engagement, but Yemen is one of the most underdeveloped places on earth, with a vast expanse and an inhospitable terrain and extremely limited state penetration. It is also mind-bogglingly corrupt. Development aid sent to the Yemeni government will likely simply be funneled in to the same kinds of projects that are currently well-funded (many of them on the Riviera), or else wasted like water in the ocean.
So what should the U.S. do? Pretty much what it's been doing in the Obama administration, which has in fact been thinking seriously about Yemen all year and which has quietly been working there in some constructive and some unconstructive ways. It's never as satisfying as a morally pure call to battle, but the administration shouldn't over-react or under-react. Be patient, build intelligence and CT assets, strike against clearly AQ targets when available but only where the civilian costs will be minimal and the rewards high, search out local partners... the usual. But the administration shouldn't fall into the trap of thinking it must "do something" to fend off political harping from the right and end up over-committing... or taking steps which ultimately make the situation worse.
KHALED FAZAA/AFP/Getty Images
Though Yemen has close relations with the US as well as the west, yet, its geo-political situation dictates that the US should provide caveates for the country under the current circumstances and irrespective of whether the regime is good or bad.
Yemen from its own perspective, is faced with two important problems as aptly put by Dr. Lynch. The first is the war against the Huthis, and the second is the growing call for seperatism by the South of the country. Therefore, to defeat the Huthis militarily and stump out any attempts of seperatism are the priorities of Yemen, while al Qaeda comes in third place and only with the insistence of the US, that Yemen is sending troops now to al Qaeda areas.
Essentially, many quarters close to the regime and its various state apparatus structures, are very reluctant to deal with al-Qaeda and its sympathisers in the country, on purely opportunistic grounds, lest al-Qaeda can become useful at one point as an asset, to be used against the Zeidi Huthis [a Branch of Shi'ism], or the Socialists of Southern separatism.
Here comes now the caveate one is talking about. In this context, the US can provide Yemen with financial aid and military hardware assistance in order to defeat the Huthis and keep the country as one, thus taking out al Qaeda from the formula of being thought of as a likely assest by some Yemeni power quarters, and provide the necessary incensitve to the regime, to add al-Qaeda to the list of its wars, but initially in this process, the US may have to turn a blind eye to al-Qaeda in yemen; if not totally.
khairi janbek.paris/france
Thank you for underscoring that Hussein Badreddeen al-Houti's movement is Shi'ite. President Saleh is Zeidi Shi'ite himself I believe.
I believe that Khairi Janbek may be to be correct in his assessment that al-Qaeda would be useful in providing assistance in the regime's attempt to suppress the socialists of South Yemen and the al-Houti rebellion. (There's also the matter of the security of the oil deposits in the Safer fields of Mareb Province and its conveyance to Hudeida.)
BTW, in today's History Unfolding, David Kaiser makes the point that the last 50 years have show us that US cannot stop terrorism by intimidating populations or setting up friendly regimes.
I do not think that the Yemeni Government is slacking on the Al'Qaeda front because it views the terrorist organization as an asset. On the contrary, it appears that President Saleh does not want to provoke an intense wave of retaliation from AQ sympathizers. With a powerful insurgency to the north and a separatist movement in the south, the last thing the Yemeni Government wants is a third-conflict.
Even with moderate amounts of U.S. hardware, it is doubtful that Yemen has the military ability to tackle all of these problems at once.
And why should the U.S. turn a blind eye to the AQ threat in Yemen? Al'Qaeda remains a top priority for U.S. national security. The Houthi insurgency is anything but. Therefore, the idea that Washington would funnel aid to Yemen for anti-Houthi operations seems like a distant phenomenon.
http://depetris.wordpress.com
Marc,
I agree with you: relying on Saudi Arabia to do the bidding of the US in Yemen would be a mistake and not at all what I was attempting to argue in the post. Rather, my point was that the US must get Saudi Arabia to agree not to subvert US goals within Yemen, which is rather different, I believe, from what you suggested I was arguing.
"Under-reacting" is just as bad as overreacting
So, what exactly should the United States do in Yemen? Clearly, we cannot afford to ignore the country anymore. If there is a lesson to be learned from the attempted terror attack on Christmas Day, is it the fact that international terrorism will not go away so long as the root causes of political extremism dominate countries across the globe.
Clearly, the United States would be ill advised to send thousands of troops into Yemen as a response. With Iraq and Afghanistan still draining taxpayer money out of Washington's bankroll, a third war with a large American presence would not do much good. But this does not mean that the U.S. should sit on its heels and pretend like the attack did not happen.
Development aid should be a substantial part of the U.S. counterterrorism strategy in Yemen. Dr. Lynch points out that "Development aid sent to the Yemeni government will likely simply be funneled...like water in the ocean." This may be true if the U.S. just handed over money to the Yemeni Government unilaterally and without any preconditions. But what if the aid was handled- and monitored- by a consotorium of countries that are worried about Yemen's domestic troubles?
While Yemen is certainly struggling to survive in a number of respects (corruption, economic opportunity, poverty, unemployment, radicalism), it is an area that can actually bring the Middle East together. It is in everyone's vested- interest including the United States- to at least contain the violence and spur some sort of functionality.
Some academics seem to forget that Yemen has always been at the center of Islamic fundamentalism. Remember the 2000 U.S.S. Cole bombing off the coast of this fragile Arab state? Being ill-prepared could be just as destabilizing as overreacting.
http://depetris.wordpress.com
It is a question of priorities. Of course al-Qaeda is a serious danger to everyone, and indeed Yemen doesn't need another war to add to its list for the time being, and there are some power circles close to the regime as a fact, very reluctant to take action against al Qaeda and still see it as a possible asset.
What one is trying to say, is that the priorities of the Saudis and the Yemeni government under the current circumstances, may well not be the same as the priorities of the USA in the conflict in Yemen, therefore one is actually suggesting that, for a change, the US should take the priorities of its allies into consideration, while at the same time increase its financial support to the Yemeni government, and equip and support its military, in order to have the confidence of launching a war against al Qaeda, and eliminate the reluctance in many power circles in Yemen to take action against al-Qaeda and its supporters for opportunistic reasons. That may include, if necessary, turning a blind eye towards al-Qaeda but not totally.
khairi janbek.paris/france
To fight the southern Marxists, I wouldn't be surprised if the US encouraged the "Islamists" and now they have the "Islamists" in spades. Sometimes a People's Democratic Republic is your best friend.
is indeed a Shi'a Zedi, however though one is reluctant to resort to the archaic and archane in western minds, to explain the situation from this angle, it may still prove to be interesting.
The Zeidi Shi'a Imamate; which the Houthis are accused of wanting to restore to Yemen, recognises only leaders whom are Hashemites, ie. direct descendants of Prophet Muhammad, and Presidentt Ali Abdullah; though himself is a Zeidi Shi'a, he is not a Hashemite.
If indeed it is true, that the Houthis are belivers in the restoration of the Zeidi Imamate to Yemen [President Ali Abduallh still accuses them of that], then it means that they never actually recognised his authority before, and when they got the chance they made this clear violently, and are likely also in the future; whenever they get the chance, to make this clear once again.
khairi janbek.paris/france
I generally find myself not sympathetic to your opinion on these thorny issues but this in large part seems a fairly reasonable analysis - excepting of course for your shameless Obamaphile cheer leading, which apparently your ilk just can't help themselves from engaging in - the vapid romanticism of Obama's 'outreach' program can be grafted onto your skeptical inertia viz Yemen and thereby assume the guise of a thoughtful strategy, but the connection is tenuous at best - never mind suboptimal outcomes, better to call Obama's approach the emptiness that makes a nice sound - sub suboptimal, not outright failure if we're lucky - in other words, you do a good job of pointing out that Yemen is a shit hole and we should be very careful where we step, but your 'solution' to the problem is in the end a meaningless convenience - an endless side stepping that offers up the illusion of moving ahead.
I notice that media coverage is about as uncritical and prone to repeating a few facts as it has ever been. Examples are such as "INSERT TOWN NOBODY'S HEARD OF HERE was bombed" and "TERRORIST NOBODY KNEW ABOUT sent a video". There isn't any investigation of tribal systems, who the Houthis are (not that I'm quite sure either), or what conditions are like for most of the people in Yemen, probably because very few journalists have gone to Yemen. Replace a few of the names and you get Pakistan, Algeria, Nigeria, and quite a few other countries. I'm starting to wonder if humans even write the stories anymore or if they just spell check what a machine spews out at random.
On another note, as a blogger on Al-Sahwa pointed out, Al Quaeda does seem to have better organization and more resources for media than it did in Afghanistan. That isn't to say that Al Quaeda is stronger in Yemen, simply to compare and contrast different focuses in different nations.
I think part of the AQIY-problem for the yemenite forces is that there is a larger network of former mujahedin that are from many clans, subgroupings, etc. And that these, while not directly AQ will quite possibly side with their former comrades in a conflict.. SO the fight at the moment is containable and sustainable, but an all-out campaign may trigger retaliation that is not..? Quite similar to the afghan dynamics.
On the whole-state approach, isnt it about time to start fiancing a real international taskforce of competents, preferrably with a lot of muslims? Is there any good-guy variant of School of Americas, where people from these countries learn irrigation, recycling, energy-conservation, how to create companies, internet and so on and so on? Or is the US still thinking with its hammer only?
Does it not look funny to US people that their country wants war to one one underdeveloped and illiterate nations of the world.
US fought with Russia and japan in history made some sense under the concept of same kind of power of war technology shared by these developed nation.
But seeing the pathetic living conditions of Afghanistan and Yemen, you people should look the level of your apprehensions and creation of deadly games for other people and countries who are far behind in technology, human and mass development than you.
>>>pathetic living conditions .... level of your apprehensions
I grew up in a poor country. There is nothing to suggest that people from poor countries are not capable of the full range of human emotions, including hatred. Similarly, it's quite possible to take a person from a poor country, fire him up with visions of jihad and paradise, and turn him into a guided missile. So it's ridiculous to claim we should excuse terrorism from a poor country. Plus, poverty never created terrorism; the terrorists predominantly seem to be from the small group of comparatively affluent and well-educated people from such countries.
"The U.S. simply does not have the resources to embark on a military mission in Yemen"
au contraire mon doctaire'!
Annihilating suspect camps, inserting hunter killer teams and generally putting the Schwerpunkt in their hood are well within American capabilities.
You misrepresent the nature and purpose of COIN.
Perhaps some of the "high priests" of COIN doctrine believe and advocate that ungoverned spaces should be sought out and treated with COIN intervention (leaving aside that not all ungoverned spaces are afflicted by insurgencies). But the mere fact that adherents of a particular mode of thought also advocate certain policy positions does not imply that those positions flow from those odes of thought. Counterinsugency doctrine, as you well know, doctor, is not a framework for the setting of global counterterrorism policy. Rather, it is a set of operational guidance for the achievement by foreign military forces of particular politicao-military objectives in places where they are deployed to protect the established authority and face a particularly constituted opponent in doing so. Whether the U.S. gets itself (or its military personnel more to the point) involved in such situations going forward pursuant to its efforts at countering the threat to it from global terrorism is entirely a policy question to be determined by our highest civilian authorities in their decisions about how the fight against terrorism will be pursued. Those officials are in no way beholden to the tenets of COIN doctrine across any range of policy questions beyond those to which they have already chosen to apply it (ie, Iraq and Afghanistan). Nor, to my knowledge, are most experts on COIN doctrine itself advocating that they do so. Am i unaware of particular quarters in which the power of COIN doctrine has been so lionized that it not only represents the only acceptable response to ongoing military efforts beset by insurgencies, b ut in fact is embraced as the right and proper response to any and all 'ungoverned territories' from whence terrorism directed at the U.S. may originate? I'd like to see any reporting I may have missed indicating the institutionalization of COIN doctrine for that expansive set of purposes in important policy offices of the U.S. government or important policy analysis centers that are influential thereto.
It is demoralising that the first reaction to a threat to the USA is military action. Military intervention should be an option that is kept on the table, sure, but it should be the last one thing to be reached for as an actual solution. Not only for the fuzzy moral reasons, but for reasons to do with the deaths of our own young men and women in the name of an ill-defined and ephemeral cause, and because of the massive hostility and long-term friction that such action provokes wherever and wherever it is used throughout history.
It also stuns me that the enormous non-military capabilities that the USA has at hand are not even discussed any more when the specter of terrorism lurches out of the fog. If killing people was the only real means of dealing with political conflict and social upheaval, we would have wiped ourselves out many times over during the Cold War. The leadership of that time, freshly scarred and chastened by the mania of WWII explored every non-military option possible before contemplating sending in soldiers, and it proved to be the wisest of all possible strategies.
http://drbrydon.wordpress.com/
To know facts just about this post, you should buy essays at the essays writers.
that the US had already informed the Yemeni government officially in early 2009, that fugitive al Qaeda fighters from saudi Arabia, well already seeking sanctuary with the Yemeni al Qaeda.
Marc Lynch is associate professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University.
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