Posted By Marc Lynch Share

The Gulf Cooperation Council surprised virtually everyone yesterday by announcing that it would begin membership talks with Jordan and Morocco.  While actual membership is likely a long way off, the announcement signals a new alliance in the region which conspicuously omits Egyp, along with more obvious candidates for GCC membership such as Yemen and Iraq.  This expanded GCC would of course no longer really be an organization of states in the Gulf. Nor would it be a club for small, rich oil producing states. Instead, it seems to be evolving into a club for Sunni Arab monarchs -- the institutional home of the counter-revolution, directed against not only Iran but also against the forces for change in the region.  Where the United States fits in that new conception remains distinctly unclear.

There has been widespread disbelief and a lot of jokes since the news broke of the invitations to Jordan and Morocco. It isn't only that Jordan and Morocco are rather conspicuously not in the Gulf.  It's also that they don't fit the profile of rich petro-states which has defined the identity of the GCC. If they actually do become members  -- which is far from a certainty, given the wide gap between an invitation to apply and acceptance -- it would profoundly change the character of the organization.  Jordan and Morocco have virtually nothing in common economically, culturally, or (of course) geographically with the GCC states.  They have different security challenges, different demographics, and different domestic problems.  Their inclusion would significantly erode the major commonalities which kept the GCC together over the years. 

The two things which Jordan and Morocco do have in common with the GCC states, of course, are a Sunni monarchy and a pro-Western alignment. The creation of a Sunni King's club would bring the region back even more viscerally than before into the classical Arab Cold War of the 1950s and 1960, when conservative monarchies faced off against pan-Arabist republics.  Neither Jordan nor Morocco really faces the same sectarian Sunni-Shi'a issues as do most of the Gulf states, however, despite King Abdullah of Jordan's "Shi'a Crescent" ramblings of the mid-2000s and his enthusiasm to be part of any pro-U.S. and anti-Iranian alliance available.  Iran simply doesn't loom as large for Morocco as it does for, say, Bahrain or Saudi Arabia.  The real point here would seem to be a promise of GCC, or more specifically Saudi, assistance to those non-Gulf monarchies in order to prevent them from going too far in meeting popular demands for reform.  Such a Sunni King's Club would be a counter-revolutionary institution, one which would work directly against hopes for change in the Arab world.  

The exclusions are in many ways more important than the inclusions.  Yemen has been left standing at the doorstep of the GCC for many years, despite the advantage of actually being a Gulf state. The GCC initiative to transition Ali Abdullah Saleh from power has stalled, and most Yemenis seem to be pretty suspicious of Saudi intentions in that regard anyway.  It isn't clear whether a post-Saleh Yemen would be considered for an expanded GCC, but it doesn't seem likely. 

The two more important exclusions are Iraq and Egypt.  Since the fall of Saddam Hussein, Iraq has been mooted as a possible candidate for inclusion in the GCC.  It's a wealthy oil producer in the Gulf region, so there is a surface plausibility.  GCC membership, by this argument, might embed Iraq in an institutional structure which firmly rooted it in a pro-U.S. and anti-Iranian camp, while dramatically increasing the size and power of the GCC alliance.  But its exclusion from this round isn't that surprising.  The Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, remain deeply hostile towards and suspicious of the Shi'a dominated Iraqi government in general and Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki specifically.  They have never been comfortable with its new democratic forms.  And an Iraq inside the GCC would pose a real challenge to Saudi expectations of dominating the alliance.  So the GCC not inviting Iraq to apply is hardly a surprise -- but not inviting it while inviting other, less plausible, candidates will only further drive a wedge between Baghdad and the Arab Gulf states with potentially dangerous results.

And then there's Egypt. Saudi anger at the fall of Hosni Mubarak has been palpable. It has clearly been furious over the new Egypt's softer line on Iran, and high-level Saudis were conspicuously absent from the Hamas-Fatah signing ceremony in Cairo.  Obviously, there is no rational economic or cultural reason to invite Egypt to join the GCC.... but neither is there any such logic to inviting Jordan and Morocco.  The exclusion feels pointed and direct: the new revolutionary Egypt is not part of the Sunni King's Club, while the expanded GCC will directly compete with the Arab League even if it gets a new Egyptian Secretary-General. This is a dangerous message at a time when Egypt's foreign policy orientation is very much a work in progress.  The new Egypt is likely to be far more responsive to public opinion, as has already been evident in its decisions to open the border with Gaza and broker Palestinian reconicilation.  If it comes to identify Saudi Arabia as an adversary, rather than as a slightly less close ally, then this will have major repercussions for regional politics and for the U.S. alliance structure. 

It is far too soon to expect anything tangible to emerge from this proposed GCC expansion. It may very well go the way of other short-lived alliances -- remember the Damascus Declaration?  And it is hard to see how Jordan or Morocco would fit into any kind of economic integration schemes such as those the GCC has intermittently discussed.  But as a signal of emerging trends in regional politics, even the declaration of intent is quite significant.  It could push Iraq and Egypt in other directions. It could intensify the lines of regional conflict both between revolution and counter-revolution, and between Sunni and Shi'a, while inhibiting serious efforts at reform which might ameliorate either.  And it could put the new GCC, particularly Saudi Arabia, into ever more open conflict with the United States over the future of Arab reforms and priorities.  

 

NHUSAIN

2:37 PM ET

May 11, 2011

nothing in common

It wrong to say that they have nothing in common. They both are Musilm majorities monarchies and both are majority Arabic speaking countries. There is enough in common between the current GCC states and the invitees. Also, the reality is that they have more in common now then in the past due to the changes happening in the other countries.

 

GRANT

5:49 PM ET

May 11, 2011

There are many different

There are many different Muslims in the world and most seem more interested in their national identity. All that Jordan and Morocco seem to have in common with the Gulf Coast at a glance is monarchies opposed to change, which isn't necessarily enough to prevent differences from appearing once the revolutions run their course.

 

NHUSAIN

2:47 PM ET

May 11, 2011

yemen correction

Yemen is not a Gulf state. No part of it geographically touches the Persian Gulf.

 

FHAYEK

12:04 PM ET

May 12, 2011

Agreed

Totally agree. Not sure how the author of this article came up with the fact that Yemen was a "Gulf" nation when it has no access whatsoever to the Arabian Gulf, which is where the "Gulf" states got their name.

 

VAL LEYLAND

9:06 PM ET

May 14, 2011

Yemen in the Gulf?

Yemen hosted the 20th Gulf Cup (football tournament) last November so it was 'in the Gulf' then!

 

GRANT

5:51 PM ET

May 11, 2011

I'm a bit surprised there

I'm a bit surprised there aren't any efforts to compare this to the liberal revolutions in 1848. For the most people seem to compare it to 1989 with the rare* mention of earlier Arab/Muslim revolutions.

*Oddly enough

 

BUBBLE BURSTER

11:33 PM ET

May 11, 2011

There have been several

I have seen several article in the past couple of months over at real clear world that draw the comparison to 1848, particulalry the eventual failure of those revolutions.

Of course the 1848 analogy places this new attempt to expand the GCC int he role of the Concert of Europe and its efforts to prevent liberal revolutions. Or is it more like the Dreikaiserbund (League of Three Emperors) of Prussia, Russia, and Austria-Hungary! Fun analogly pregnant with possibilities!

 

FHH102

7:12 PM ET

May 11, 2011

Excellent piece Professor

Excellent piece Professor Lynch. Thank you for the post.

Faisal from Kuwait

 

FHAYEK

12:13 PM ET

May 12, 2011

Incorrect analysis

Dear Mr. Lynch,

I think you haven't really put much thought into the comments you made in your article.

You refer to the 2 prospective nations as having "virtually nothing in common economically, culturally, or (of course) geographically with the GCC states." This comment on its own is false, at least in terms of Jordan. Jordan shares its largest border, of approx. 700km, with Saudi Arabia, which obviously makes it geographically connected to the largest of the GCC states. Jordan also shares cultural ties with Saudi Arabia, same background as the Hijaz province and share similar ancestry. In fact, the Monarchs of Jordan, the Hashemites, were the Monarchs of the Hijaz just a few decades ago (Hijaz is in Saudi Arabia, just incase you didn't know).

I strongly suggest that before you begin poking at foreign policy, which you may not be entirely familiar with, you do some more due diligence and fact finding on the subject.

 

MUSTAFAH

9:02 PM ET

May 14, 2011

Incorrect comment

I would ask you to follow your advice to Marc. You say: "ordan also shares cultural ties with Saudi Arabia, same background as the Hijaz province and share similar ancestry. In fact, the Monarchs of Jordan, the Monarchs of Jordan, the Hashemites, were the Monarchs of the Hijaz just a few decades ago". What you did not say, or maybe did not know, that the Hashemites and Saudis were fierce enemies; considering that Ibn Saud was the one who overthrew the Hashmite rule in Hejaz. I do not think that Marc was saying there is nothing in common between GCC countries and both Jordon and Morocco, but he was saying that there is nothing more common with these Two countries (other than being Conservative, non-democratic, pro-west and anti-Iranian monarchies ) than the excluded Arab countries in the region. I completely agree with the argument that GCC seems to be evolving into a club for Sunni Arab monarchs -- the institutional home of the counter-revolution, directed against not only Iran but also against the forces for change in the region.

 

JANBEKSTER

3:19 PM ET

May 12, 2011

The GCC, Morocco and Jordan: Effect on Iran & Palestine.

By KHAIRI JANBEK.

One is ratther surprised, that no one actually sees the huge importance and consequences of the potential expansion of the GCC. I think humbly if it works out, it will be tantamount to a massive tectonic shift in the affairs of the Middle East.

One is not going to sing praises of the obvious; mainly of oil and gas supply, and the virtues of freedom of movement of people, goods and capital, but one wishes to talk about the geostrategic concerns vis a vis Iran, and the solution to the Palestinian problem; albeit both features tend to be inter-related in this context.

Now, you may or may not believe in the existence of a Shi'ite Crescent engulfing the Gulf Arab States. Still if you look at the map of the region, you'll have Iran to the east across the water, and to the west of the Gulf Arab states, a Shi'ite lead Iraq which is connected to the close ally of Iran; Syria, then Hizbullah in Lebanon, and ambivelant hamas in Gaza. These are geographical facts and not sectarian hyperbole on my part; since one has never been and is not sectarian.

If morocco and Jordan join the GCC, not only the latter will be able to break out from this pro-Iranian envelope, but will be able to stretch its geostrategic depth to the shores of the Atlantic, and to the borders of Irsael in the south. Which means that, Jordan is no longer a buffer state between Israel and oil, but actually Israel becoming a stake-holder with the consent of all parties in the security of the Arab oil states.

On the demographic balance, Saudi Arabia has the population of around 29 million people, Morocco around 32million, and Yemen which is incidentally planned to be absorbed into the GCC in 2016 has the population of around 23million. Thenoverwhelming majority of the populatiuon in those countries is Sunni Muslim. An adequate human resources balance to that of Iran's 70-75 million population of which the overwhelming majority are Shi'ia muslims.
This will have a huge positive confidence effect on the all the peoples of the region. Again one has to repeat that one is not sectarian in any way, but one hasn't said that the region doesn't look at the situation from a sectarian perspective.

When it comes to the Palestinian question, what is the thorniest issue between the Palestinians and Israel?. Well, it is the right of return of the Palestinian refugees. So, if Jordan becomes part of the GCC, it will be factually and geographically part of a much larger entity than itself with diverse populations in theis block of GCC, among them Jordanians of palestinain origin. The issue of demographic threat to the Kingdom can be eliminated almost over night.

Moreover, the only logical move would for the PNA then, after it makes its bid for statehood at the UN next September, would be to apply to join the GCC with or without association with Jorda; because then it will not make much difference within the lage entity of the GCC. What about the palestinain refugees in Lebanon and in the diaspora?, I suppose they will be the first transnational citizens, of the first transnational state in history (I think), carrying a Palestinain citizenship and passport, with the choice of living in the countries hosting them currently; with economic and social rights, but no politcial rights, or move to any of the countries of the GCC, and acquire their rights in full in an expanded GCC from the borders of Israel, and all the way to the Atlantic.

As for Israel, it will have less and less reasons to object the creation of a palestinian state, which naturally will lead to peace eventually, which will provide Israel an active role in helping to protect the GCC, as well as a large market of trading partners.

 

O. MANSOUR

3:23 PM ET

May 12, 2011

Is this an edited article? "There is nothing in common..."

Mr. Lynch misses so many things about the Arab world in this article which also makes me wonder if this is an edited article. What are the basis for accepting this article for publication on FP? The author emphasizes that there is nothing in common between Gulf states and Jordan and Morocco. This could be understandable since the author is clearly pushing for the Sunni-Shi'a rift in a way that shows that Muslims are very different from each other.

In fact, the biggest irony we have in the Arab world is that we have everything in common: the food, rituals, weddings, traditions, language, habits, attitudes, behaviors....with very minor differences. This is an irony because unfortunately Arabs are divided due to political interference and may other economical and social differences (by the latter I mean things like enriching the sense of national identity without caring of others) which prevents any hope for Arab unity. A divided Arab world is at the best interest of the west. For instance, if Arabs were united (I mean really united), I don't think the US would be at ease in invading Iraq, or keep silent in front of the suffering of the Palestinians.

Arabs have the most common values and beliefs in the world compared to other united national like Europe. If I go to Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, I would eat the same or similar food, speak the same language, pray the same five prayers, etc...These are common and basic factors for any unity. Ignoring this reality makes the current article unreliable with fuzzy "facts". Perhaps, this unity with the GCC could be part of resisting a change, but why would anyone want to change the situation in the Gulf! There is a lot of money for people, lots of jobs, excellent infrastructure, and everything anyone would want. I hope this can also spread to Jordan and other Arab countries so that people would have more opportunities.

For me as an Arab, while it feels proud to see young people changing corrupted, strong-minded regime in their most modern revolutions, the real revolution is when the Arab world comes all together with one voice and united strategies. Contrary to Mr. Lynch, such unity has all commonalities that would make it come true. But again, there are sharp political differences due to foreign interference!

 

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3:01 AM ET

May 24, 2011

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JACK IDDYLIA

9:38 PM ET

June 5, 2011

In fact, the Monarchs of

In fact, the Monarchs of Jordan, the Monarchs of Jordan, the Hashemites, were the Monarchs of the Hijaz just a few decades ago". What you did not say, or maybe did not know, that the Hashemites and Saudis were fierce enemies; considering that Ibn Saud was the one who overthrew the Hashmite rule in Hejaz. I do not think that sazkove kancelare Marc was saying there is nothing in common between GCC countries and both Jordon and Morocco, but he was saying that there is nothing more common with these Two countries (other than being Conservative, non-democratic, pro-west and anti-Iranian monarchies ) than the excluded Arab countries in the region. I completely agree with the argument that GCC seems to be evolving into a club for Sunni Arab monarchs -- the institutional home of the counter-revolution.

 

MARK SCALIA

11:08 PM ET

June 5, 2011

the biggest irony we have in

the biggest irony we have in the Arab world is that we have everything in common: the food, rituals, weddings, traditions, language, habits, attitudes, behaviors....with very minor differences. This is an irony because unfortunately Arabs are sazkove kancelare divided due to political interference and may other economical and social differences (by the latter I mean things like enriching the sense of national identity without caring of others) which prevents any hope for Arab unity. A divided Arab world is at the best interest of the west. For instance, if Arabs were united (I mean really united), I don't think the US would be at ease in invading Iraq, or keep silent in front of the suffering of the Palestinians.

 

MATT BINNER

2:07 PM ET

June 8, 2011

The author emphasizes that

The author emphasizes that there is nothing in common between Gulf states and Jordan and Morocco. This could be understandable since the author is clearly pushing for the Sunni-Shi'a rift in a way that shows that Muslims are very different from each other.In fact, the biggest irony we have in the Arab world is that we have everything in common: the food, rituals, weddings, sázkové kancelá?e traditions, language, habits, attitudes, behaviors....with very minor differences. This is an irony because unfortunately Arabs are divided due to political interference and may other economical and social differences (by the latter I mean things like enriching the sense of national identity without caring of others) which prevents any hope for Arab unity. A divided Arab world is at the best interest of the west. For instance, if Arabs were united (I mean really united), I don't think the US would be at ease in invading Iraq, or keep silent in front of the suffering of the Palestinians. Still if you look at the map of the region, sázkové kancelá?e you'll have Iran to the east across the water, and to the west of the Gulf Arab states, a Shi'ite lead Iraq which is connected to the close ally of Iran; Syria, then Hizbullah in Lebanon, and ambivelant hamas in Gaza. These are geographical facts and not sectarian hyperbole on my part; since one has never been and is not sectarian.If morocco and Jordan join the GCC, not only the latter will be able to break out from this pro-Iranian envelope, but will be able to stretch its geostrategic depth to the shores of the Atlantic, and to the borders of Irsael in the south. Which means that, Jordan is no longer a buffer state between Israel and oil, but actually Israel becoming a stake-holder with the consent of all parties in the security of the Arab oil states.

 

Marc Lynch is associate professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University.

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