Monday, September 19, 2011 - 11:21 AM

The long stalemate in Yemen took a bloody turn yesterday which was as horrifying as it was utterly predictable. Regime forces opened fire on the tenacious, peaceful protestors in Change Square in Sana'a, killing dozens and flooding the hospitals with the wounded. The internet has been flooded with horrific videos which could easily have come from Libya or Syria. The violent crisis which many of us have been warning would result from neglecting Yemen and allowing its political stalemate to grind on has now arrived. The Sana'a massacre should be a crystal clear signal that the Yemeni status quo is neither stable nor sustainable, and that the failure to find a political resolution ensures escalating bloodshed and humanitarian crisis. It is time to push for an immediate political transition -- and one which does not include immunity for Saleh's men.
It has been difficult to get anyone to pay attention to Yemen. For months, ever since President Ali Abdullah Saleh had been rushed to Saudi Arabia for treatment of wounds from an apparent assassination attempt. Distracted by hot wars in Libya and Syria, the struggling transition in Egypt, and the diplomatic train wreck between Israel and the Palestinians, the U.S. and most of the region put Yemen on the back burner. Even though thousands of incredibly determined and resilient Yemenis continued to protest regularly, and analysts warned with increasing desperation that missing the opportunity to bring about a transition would be a disastrous mistake, the urgency faded away. Indeed, Saleh's regime counted on that fading external urgency as part of its strategy of delay and distraction, hoping to outlast, confuse, divide, and where possible crush the protest movement. Now, Yemenis are paying for that neglect in blood.
The U.S., the GCC, the U.N., and Yemen's opposition need to push for Saleh to leave power now and for Yemen to immediately begin a meaningful political transition. Not in a few months, not in a few years, and not empty promises of future change which no Yemeni any longer believes. This does not mean calling for military intervention. After Libya and the debate over Syria, military action has regrettably become many peoples' first rather than last instinct even when it is very clearly neither appropriate nor likely. It means throwing full political support to Yemen's opposition, making clear that Yemeni officials will be held accountable before international tribunals for their role in violence against civilians, and pushing hard to end a stalemate which too many saw as an acceptable state of affairs.
Months of inattention have made this task harder, not easier. Yemen's protest movement had been one of the most impressive and even astonishing of its Arab counterparts, and by March it seemed inevitable that Saleh's regime would soon fall in the face of a peaceful, mass uprising. But it did not fall, even after Saleh's departure, and a grinding stalemate ensued. The U.S. and the international community essentially delegated the Yemen file to Saudi Arabia and the GCC, which quickly proved that it was either not up to the task or not interested in finding a real solution. The Yemeni regime played on that inattention, looking to buy time and muddle through. The protestors instead proved amazingly resilient, turning out tens of thousands of people even as they struggled to find any way to achieve a political breakthrough. Qaddafi's fall from Tripoli had inspired the Yemeni protestors, renewing hope and galvanizing their efforts --- making this week's escalation and brutality all the more significant not only in Yemen but across the region.
The atrocities should generate renewed urgency, but there should be no illusion that a solution will now be any easier to find. After long, difficult months the opposition is more fragmented. People are really suffering from the economic collapse. The regime's survival after it seemed on the brink of collapse has baffled its adversaries. Battle lines have hardened, and offers which once might have seemed reasonable now seem unacceptable. With the list of dead and wounded Yemeni civilians growing and rage swelling across the country, few are likely to be interested in the GCC's deal granting amnesty to those responsible for a fresh massacre. I agree with them. One of the most important accomplishments of Libya and of the rapidly evolving international norms around the Arab uprisings has been the rejection of impunity for such atrocities, and Saleh's regime should be no exception.
This week's violence should be a spur to break this stalemate. But I fear that it is more likely that the world will simply continue to ignore what's happening in Yemen. Most of the attention of the Middle East policy community this week will be directed instead towards the drama of the Palestinian bid for recognition at the United Nations. Few in the West see many major interests in Yemen beyond the narrow, exclusive -- and in today's context nearly indefensible -- focus on al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. The endless reports of horrors from Syria, and before that Libya, have numbed people to what must seem just one more episode in an endless litany of atrocities.
But all of this would be a mistake. For half a year now there has been a chance for Yemenis themselves to bring about genuine, positive change and break the dominance of a repressive and corrupt regime. The new round of violence makes achieving that change more urgent -- and, if the U.S., the UN, the GCC and others could only be brought to notice, finally possible. Yemen matters. Yemenis matter. Ignoring them has allowed a hurting political stalemate and a worsening humanitarian crisis. A non-policy of inattention to Yemen has only increased the risk of collapse into a real civil war, which would pose infinitely worse policy choices. Don't wait for that.
Unlike our government, I find.....
myself EQUALLY outraged by the murder of protesters in Yemen and Syria.
Why isn't Yemen subject to The Official White's Man outrage? When's the UN Resolution?
Yes, I know. It's complicated. It always is....when it's an ally doing the murdering.
Will traditional authority fill a void left by ousted regimes?
With tumultuous change, stability often rests on the familiar faces. Watching the dramatic upheavals in the Arab world, raises a question: will the vacuum of power left by departing regimes make room for a return of the power of the tribe?
Check it out more in detail at Majalla Magazine ...
URL: http://www.majalla.com/eng/2011/08/article6305
Your headline is mistaken, actions speak louder than words
Marc,
With respect, your headline is misplaced: the USA is not "ignoring" Yemen; it is merely not paying attention to Yemen issues of concern to you.
Read your local paper: JSOC & friends are crawling all over Yemen right now. Drone surveillance; drone strikes; probably at least one cruise missile strike; and coordinated ground assaults on AQAP and other targets of interest have been increasing in tempo over the year. Yes, the political and humanitarian issues you identify here are important in their own right but the US Government has decided that these issues are simply unimportant compared to other issues at stake. The chaos you see in Yemen as a problem is instead being read by the USA as an opportunity to pursue AQAP and other military/security goals unhindered by diplomatic niceties.
And why not? Do you believe that any of the popular forces allied in opposition to the current Yemeni regime would want the same level of security cooperation with the USA? Or tolerate the current widened and enhanced campaign? Don't look to any of the American journalists sympathetically covering the Yemeni opposition for answers: you won't find any in print and if you confront these journalists in person they will only offer homilies about the opposition supporting anti-terrorism cooperation. Everyone, including the USA, understands that a popular government in Yemen will not only constrain JSOC activities in Yemen but would probably be inclined to stop them entirely. This is unacceptable the USA and its allies in the region. Why go through the messy business of furthering political pluralism in Arabia when you can just kill the people you don't like?
I don't understand what you hope to gain by this post. Stacy Yadav similarly complained in July about (US) opposition to the Yemeni opposition on the FP-MEC. For her efforts she got no replies or retorts from folks involved in policy. Do you honestly believe this is because nobody in the Yemen-DC policy circuit can read?
From Washington's perspective Yemen's fate is a done deal. If the social forces there can hammer out a deal that lead to peace within and with Saudi Arabia while securing the USA's ability to militarily intervene in at will, fine. If not, a Yemen that looks like Somalia won't be so bad as long as JSOC can drop in on the party.
Certainly since 1118 local on October 10, 2000, the US government has paid a lot of attention to Yemen, and evidence that this attention doesn't produce what Washington hopes it will has abounded for years. A pioneering planeload of FBI agents arrived there from Riyadh one day later to investigate the USS Cole bombing (not a great success: see http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/05/03/AR2008050302047_pf.html), and suffered considerable cultural shock during their efforts to do that.
The US ambassador in Sana'a sided with the Yemeni government against the FBI in the bureau's demand that its (by then, more than 100) agents -- virtually all with no Arabic -- should be allowed to go on their daily round displaying submachine guns for their own protection, interrogating suspects in Yemeni custody, and the like. One FBI agent supplied to The New York Times an account of life as he knew it in that part of the world: agents went to bed with their sidearms under their pillows, agents made tearstained phone calls home to families they feared they would never see again. The Times published this a few days before 9/11. It seems that no FBI agent was attacked while on business in Yemen on that occasion, and the paranoia had been fueled by the bureau's counterterror chief of the day, John O'Neill.
Despite their remarkable presence (more than 100 agents?) in Yemen, augmented by a state visit by director Louis J (headlines are my life) Freeh and his entourage, the agents seem to have accomplished little other than to offer scientific expertise unknown to Yemenis. They were pulled out in some disorder in 2001. In February 2002, their international BOLO call for Cole suspects had police worldwide looking for eight that the bureau did not know locked up safely already in a Yemeni jail for that attack.
In 2003, after further negotiation, in 2003 Yemen granted permission to open to open an FBI office in Sana'a. I wish I knew the cost of that.
It seemed that the FBI's demands of Yemen in those first exciting days after the Cole bombing were few: they should be allowed effectively to take over the Cole investigation, and they should be able to comport themselves as though an occupying foreign military force. Yemenis did not oblige. Ponder the idea of Yemeni investigators traveling the streets of New York City or Washington abristle with submachine guns to comprehend and stanmping into American prisons to investigate locally arrested suspects.
How well did the FBI Cole investigation work out? I see it as significant that in his immodest memoir, Mr Freeh made no claim of triumph. What did it cost? Apart from budget line items, FBI specialist counterterror agents in Yemen were in no position to investigate warnings from domestic flying school of the threat that came to fruit on 9/11. At various points, 17 alleged bombers were jailed, and on its website today the FBI claims that this was due to combined Yemeni and FBI success. Many domestic law enforcement bodies regard the bureau as claiming perhaps more credit for achievements than is entirely their due. Perhaps the Yemeni government feels much the same.
The exact point at which the US government investment in Yemen switched to military seems hard to find. The new system has been in place for some years and on current understandings does not seem to have worked greatly to American advantage, or to peace and justice for the Yemeni people. Nothing very new about that: two USS Cole suspects were being held without trial in Guantanamo by 2003, which would have done little for their peace of mind and nothing for the impression that America offers justice; or supplies skilled and successful investigation of foreigners who happen to be Muslim.
Saying Washington hasn't been paying attention to Yemen is a dangerous obstruction to learning the facts. This is a fine mess in that nation today, and at its very best all one can say is that Washington was unable forestall it, today seems unlikely to help clear it up, and cannot be said with any confidence to have been killing the right peope there ever since JSOC became involved.
Can you imagine if Israel did anything like this?
Paris would be burning.
Apparently, you forgot all those unarmed Palestinians who recently marched on the Golan and were shot down.
Paris did not burn.
since yemen is suffering from the economic collapse,corrupted regime and GCC helplessness,i think and this is my anticipation,the Civil war initially started and it will never end with falling the corrupted regime but also will affect the whole GCC.
Yemen is a growing pain! As the riots and revolution spread from Algeria eastward this little state got some bigger ideas. Its internal problems are being supported by Iran and, in some small way, Obama.
http://msmignoresit.blogspot.com/2011/09/army-of-lions-lead-by-lamb.html
welcome to http://www.lovetoshopping.org
lovetoshopping.org
kloojkj
The US Moral Responsibility & the horrific killings in Yemen
President Saleh's sons & nephews are in actual control of the security in Yemen. It is unfortunate that the killings of the peaceful protesters were executed using sophisticated military equipment obtained from the US that also trained them and supported them financially. Saleh successfully convinced the US that he is fighting AQAP even though the US knows that AQAP leaders go in and out of the Presidential Palace !. Ali Mohsen, President Saleh & his sons & nephews all belong to the Tribal-Military institution and all from the highlands (that makes less than 25% of the Yemen population), yet they have the power & all the Yemen resources ( oil, fishery industry, and the best agriculture lands in Hodieda and other Yemeni regions). Non of them have even a small wound but all the killings are a among the innocent youth who are fighting through peaceful means to have a real democracy, to live in a decent way, get jobs to support their families, have a better health system, and get rid of the endemic corruption. The Yemeni peaceful uprising aim to have a fair share of power, wealth and health. The US has ( directly & indirectly) contributed in making the Military- Tribal institution in Yemen corrupt, powerful, brutal, and oppressive.
US, UN, and the European community need to keep this in mind to help Yemen, the rapidly failing State.
Isn't it partially the fault of news sources such as the BBC, New York Times, Al Jazeera (and virtually everyone else) that haven't had any interest in reporting anything about Yemen in favor of Egypt, Libya, Palestine and the U.S economy? There aren't even that many blogs that look at Yemen anymore.
Ali Mohsen, President Saleh & his sons & nephews all belong to the Tribal-Military institution and all from kindle fire vs ipad the highlands (that makes less than 25% of the Yemen population), yet they have the power & all the Yemen resources ( oil, fishery industry, and the best agriculture lands in Hodieda and other Yemeni regions).
The long term effects can be disastrous, Yemen should not be ignored
Marc Lynch is associate professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University.
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